The Context of Child Sexual Offenses

Introduction

Mental health professionals, child protective services, and law enforcement investigators have much to offer each other in better understanding Child Sexual Abuse (CSA), a criminal act that has far-reaching consequences for victim(s), offender(s), and other family members. What can be learned from examining the context in which CSA crimes occur that better prepares both investigators and therapists to do their jobs more effectively?

The Crime (and Crime Scene) of Child Sexual Abuse

There is a growing awareness that CSA is a violent crime that directly impacts the well-being of communities in significant ways. However, unlike other violent crimes, analysis of the crime scene of a CSA case often is not routinely done, unless there is obvious physical evidence of sexual abuse present; there are several reasons:

• Investigations often are not initiated until significant time has lapsed after the crime has occurred, due to the frequently delayed reporting of victims.
• Until recently, CSA crimes have often been thought of as "lesser" crimes that take lower priority from the "major" crimes of violence to adults, drugs, theft, etc.
• Local law enforcement may have limited training and equipment to obtain certain kinds of evidence.

There are several important reasons why the expertise and specialized investigative skills afforded other "major" crimes should also be utilized in CSA cases. It is suggested that law enforcement should routinely consider conducting a crime scene investigation as a matter of course in CSA cases.

Both legal and psychodynamic factors may be intertwined in necessitating a thorough investigation of the site where the sexual abuse took place:

• Prosecution of crime - Offenders often do not fit any publicly recognizable stereotyped pattern of a "child molester". Providing evidence from the crime scene can be useful in convicting an offender who may otherwise appear to jury members as very different from their expectations.
• Jury members often find the act of child molestation difficult to comprehend. Photographs of the crime scene and objects taken from the scene help the jury to relate to tangible realities and can make the crime seem more "real" to them.
Offenders usually deny and/or minimize the abuse. Evidence from the crime scene offers important information, both in understanding the crime and in securing a more accurate admission from the offender.
• Offenders are more likely to admit to the crime when they become aware of the amount of information obtained, which can prevent unnecessary testimony by the victim.
• Victims are often unable to discuss important details of the abuse due to developmental factors and/or the nature of the abuse and the nature of the coping mechanisms of the victim.
• Occasionally, objects of forensic importance may be found, of which the victim and/or family members were not aware or did not realize were of significance.
• Information from the crime scene is often helpful in the therapy process for the victim, and sometimes even for the offender. Because recalling and telling the details of sexual abuse can be painful for both victim and offender, information from other sources, such as witnesses or crime scene information, often accelerates the therapy process.

Law enforcement professionals are trained to investigate crimes, with respect to providing evidence in a court of law that may be used to prosecute alleged offenders. Although certain kinds of physical evidence are not always available in all cases of sexual abuse, sometimes physical evidence is available that the victim may not even describe. Victims may fail to volunteer information about important evidence for several reasons:

• A child victim may not have the developmental skills to comprehend the abuse event in order to report all the evidence. For example, if a young child experiences a wet substance on the bed linens and has no concept of ejaculation, he/she may not report this in his/her interview description of the abuse incident.
• Developmental immaturity may also result in a child not reporting physical evidence of which he/she is aware because he/she doesn't understand the forensic importance of that evidence. For example, a child may know that a slippery substance was used, such as Vaseline, but not think to report it because he/she does not understand how this could be useful as corroborative evidence.
• A victim may fail to report something because of the degree of trauma associated with that memory. For example, a child may report being fondled by the offender, but fail to report the offender making the child fondle the offender to ejaculation. Thus, physical evidence may be available at the crime scene that investigators did not expect because of the limited nature of the child's initial disclosure.

Timing is often very important to the process of obtaining physical evidence. When physical evidence is available, it should be obtained quickly. Evidence may deteriorate over time, depending on the kind of evidence and the physical environment. In addition, the possibility exists that the offender may try to dispose of the evidence as soon as he/she discovers that an investigation is in progress.

At other times, direct physical evidence such as blood or semen may not be available, but pictures of the crime scene can help to corroborate parts of a child's story that make the rest of the story more believable. For example, a child claims he/she was molested by a neighbor in his home, but the perpetrator claims the child was never even at his home. Pictures of the interior of the home that match the child's description of specific furniture, pictures, and other noteworthy objects can place the child at the scene. This raises the child's credibility to the jury and increases the jury's skepticism about the honesty of the defendant's denials.

Finally, there is still a lot that is unknown about sexually abusive behavior. Even after a well-conducted interview of the child has taken place, information from the crime scene has the potential to enlarge the knowledge base about sex offenders in general as well as about the particular offender identified. For all of these reasons, law enforcement personnel should consider a crime scene analysis as a routine part of their investigation of CSA cases.

The Victim's Account

A CSA investigation is usually initiated following a disclosure by the victim. Although this certainly seems to be an obvious fact, the interview of the offender should be based, in part, on the victim's account. This requires a response on the part of law enforcement and child protective services that is both timely and collaborative. The victim's account of the abuse is critical in both interviewing the alleged offender as well as focusing on the crime scene investigation. Other sections of this web site offer a detailed review of important factors involved in victim interview issues (see especially sections by Connie Carnes and Ethel Amacher).

Although it is most useful to investigate the crime scene soon after the abuse has occurred, there are several reasons why visiting the scene of the crime should always be considered, even later. Even though a period of time may have passed, certain details of the location may still be as they were when the abuse occurred. Knowing that an investigation is occuring at the location of the abuse may encourage an offender to admit to the abuse out of fear of discovery of other criminal acts not yet disclosed.

Depending on the circumstances, evidence of abuse to additional victims may be obtained at the crime scene as well. The most common form this evidence will take involves; pictures, movies, videotape, and digital computer images. However, in some cases, written notes and other documentation by the offender may be found.

The following are two examples of such evidence. One offender molested his daughter for several years and kept meticulous notes every 3 months of his child's physical development, along with nude pictures, so that he could enjoy reliving the memories of the offenses and fantasies about his child whenever he wanted to. Needless to say, obtaining these pictures and documents made successful prosecution of this case a foregone conclusion.

In another case, the same aged girlfriend of a female victim kept a diary that included descriptions of the abuse by the adult offender and his adult brother when the girlfriend had verbally denied everything because of a "secrecy pact" with the offenders. Such evidence is invaluable to the entire efforts of investigation and eventual prosecution.

The Family Assessment

Assessment of the family environment is another critical element in the assessment of sexual offenders. Understanding the specific family issues may guide investigators in deciding what to look for as physical evidence and what else to ask about that could lead to more, previously undisclosed, evidence. Information and reactions from the non-offending guardian are often of great clinical and forensic significance. For a detailed description of dealing with non-offending guardians, please also see the web site section by Dr. Nancy Aldridge.

Through both interview and self-report measures, factors regarding such family system issues as physical and interpersonal boundaries, balance of power, routine and safety concerns, and communication patterns can be very fruitful issues to explore. Known sexual behavior patterns of the perpetrator, family members' involvement with the legal system, substance abuse issues, and information about family violence are also very important to learn. Even assessment of stressors to the perpetrator such as poverty, death of a family member, and unemployment are all factors which may prove useful in developing a better understanding of the context in which the sexual abuse occurred.

Contextual Characteristics of Offenders

While it is always possible that a unique factor will be important in the context of a particular CSA case, certain factors about CSA offenders are more likely to be enlightening than others. Certain factors have been determined in research findings to generally correlate with those persons who sexually abuse children. The list is a long one because not all offenders are alike, and there is no such thing as a valid single profile of a sex offender. However, certain factors may prove to be especially useful to focus on.

The following factors about offenders are listed as possible correlates to consider. However, it must be clarified that NONE of these factors can be considered a guarantee of proof of a specific sexual offense of a specific child:

• Other known victims of CSA (e.g. prior CSA convictions)
• Admission to planning, but denial of commission of a sex offense
• Low victim empathy
• The presence of multiple cognitive distortions
• Low self-esteem
• An established deviant sexual arousal pattern
• A significant deficit in sexual knowledge
• Sexual anxiety
• A history of sexual victimization before puberty
• A history of parental absence and/or neglect (I combined it with Maternal-see below)
• Emotional inhibition/overcontrol
• Admission of deviant sexual fantasies
• Social skills deficits
• Interpersonal dependence
• Abuse of alcohol or drugs
• Associating sexual acts with reduction of negative thoughts and emotions
• A chaotic family structure
• Marital discord
• Domestic violence
• Physical abuse of children
• Habitual use of pornography
• Precocious sexual history prior to age 12
• Childhood history of attachment problems
• History of arrest for a non-sexual crime
• Weak or absent interpersonal boundaries
• Other compulsive sexual behaviors
• Characteristics of a "criminal personality"

Some of these factors are self-explanatory, but others are more complex and require further explanation.

Low victim empathy refers to how an offender may show little interest in the issues of the child's welfare. Empathy is the ability to relate to how another person feels in a certain situation. Imagine that a CSA allegation arises, and the alleged perpetrator simultaneously is told that the 14-year-old alleged victim became depressed and took an overdose, was taken to the ER in a comatose state, and had her stomach pumped. When the doctor asked what precipitated the overdose, the teen wept and disclosed an allegation of sexual abuse by the alleged perpetrator. Upon hearing this news, the alleged perpetrator immediately castigates the youth's character for being dishonest and manipulative, and asks no questions about the child's medical or mental health status. What is peculiar about that reaction? There is no expression of thought or concern for the youth who just nearly died!

Another example could be a youth minister who is accused of fondling one of the 6th graders in his charge. When confronted with this allegation, the youth leader immediately describes a belief about the increasing level of dishonesty, manipulation, and sinful nature of today's youth as exemplified by this monstrous lie. What is missing? What about the concern the youth minister should have for this preteen and what happened to make that youth make a statement which was sure to result in further stresses no matter what the outcome? Lack of empathy in adults is associated with many interpersonal problems and is often found in persons who commit significant crimes. A sexual offense may be one of those crimes.

To borrow one comment made by a psychologist about parenting, "It's not so remarkable that parents sometimes (physically) abuse their children. Most parents get so angry they have fleeting thoughts of violence. What is more remarkable is how empathy usually works to prevent abuse in most parents by having the parent repelled at their thoughts when imagining the harm it would cause someone they love."

Cognitive Distortions represent definite "Red Flags" for an investigator of alleged CSA. But what IS a cognitive distortion? This term is short for a variety of different thoughts and statements that assist an offender in pursuing a negative behavior without feeling badly about it. Cognitive distortions come in many forms, but once an investigator or clinician clearly gets the concept, the examples tend to be very noticeable. Some cognitive distortions are ways to excuse the behavior. "I couldn't really help it because I was drunk that night," or "Maybe I touched her in my sleep. I don't know because I was dreaming about my wife." Cognitive distortions can also reduce an offender's inhibitions about committing the offense. "I wasn't going to do anything, but you could tell she wanted it," or "I'm a man with normal appetites, my wife should not be leaving these girls for me to take care of all alone." Cognitive distortions come in many forms, but all of them allow the offender to reduce his/her sense of being a bad person while hopefully fooling others into not holding them responsible for reprehensible behavior.

However, many times the offender will not verbalize the cognitive distortions of the offense itself because he knows he will still be held accountable. Instead, the investigator needs to listen carefully for distorted interpersonal thinking about other subjects the offender thinks are safe to discuss. Sometimes, investigators can follow an offender's thought patterns and acquire confessions simply by letting the offender know they are understood in a non-judgmental manner. For example, if an investigator hears an offender describe most children as precociously sexual, one approach is to agree with the concept or indicate that the victim did indeed seem very attractive. This taps into the offender's need to be given an excuse. Some gifted investigators are able to use this approach to get a high percentage of offenders to confess while feeling that they have been respected and understood by the investigator for their distorted perceptions and behavior.

Likewise, changes and reductions in cognitive distortions are very important to clinicians as benchmarks of progress in the treatment process. One offender started treatment by saying, "When I had sex with my daughter, I never threatened her and I never forced her because that would be wrong."
Later in treatment, the offender admitted to a sharp increase in depressive symptoms centering around his new insight. "I haven't been able to sleep, thinking about how I have destroyed my daughter's concept of herself, and of fathers and men. What will this do to her when she is old enough to get married?" Not surprisingly, the offender's therapist was very pleased to hear this insight, even though it cost the offender many sleepless nights as he had finally looked realistically at an issue he had previously dealt with by using cognitive distortions.

A Deviant Arousal Pattern is another factor needing further explanation. All persons who are capable of a sexual reaction have certain situations that they find arousing and others thing that are not arousing. One of the difficulties jury members may have in imagining a CSA crime is trying to imagine how a grown adult could find a small child sexually arousing. Yet most CSA crimes do involve the offender's sexual arousal to the child. Occasionally, individuals will either admit to a sexual attraction to a child or will agree to participate in testing of arousal patterns that reveal sexual attraction to children. One of the common tests used involves an instrument known as a plethysmograph, or "phallometric assessment", which measures penile circumference while the individual is shown various pictures. Penile tumescence to specific subjects tends to be a reliable measure of an arousal pattern. A Deviant Arousal Pattern would be one involving arousal to inappropriate sexual thoughts/images, such as a violent rape, or an inappropriate object, such as a child or an animal.

Several years ago, plethysmograph testing became so promising that it was assumed that anyone with a deviant arousal pattern toward children was therefore a child molester. Subsequent research has shown this is not so simple, and that plethysmograph data should not be used to argue in court that a person is a child molester. What such data does not take into account is the decision by the individual to suppress or to act out his/her fantasies. Nonetheless, any findings of deviant arousal in an individual accused of child molestation should raise significant Red Flags and might prompt inquiries as to what other children the individual had frequent contact with.

The inclusion of social skills deficits as a possible Red Flag also bears clarification. If an individual is so lacking in social skills that no peers would voluntarily form close relationships with the individual, a risk factor is established in which a person's interpersonal needs for intimacy and affiliation are not being met by peers. Since younger children do not require sophisticated social skills to befriend, a person's interpersonal world becomes limited to relationships with children. Most people are now aware that a very socially immature individual who seems to love the company of children may require further scrutiny.

Interpersonal dependence is a concept that is closely related to social skill deficits. Dependent adults learn to form relationships with other adults, but in a position of dependence on and compliance with the other adults. Such individuals may have CSA potential due to an overlapping lack of skills within their relationships, or they may be at risk of failing to protect children from more predatory individuals on whom they depend. Likewise, persons who intend to victimize others will sometimes seek out interpersonally dependent partners so that they will find it easier to control others and participate in exploitive behavior without being confronted by their partners.

Abuse of alcohol or drugs is a Red Flag of which most investigators are already aware. However, it is important to differentiate between a factor which may be "correlate" and a factor which is a "cause". Be aware that an offender may agree he was drunk when a CSA crime occurred because he intends to use his inebriated state as an excuse for the behavior. This tactic is unlikely to be successful since a crime committed "under the influence" does not reduce a person's legal responsibility. Imagine a driver who caused a fatal accident by driving on the wrong side of the road arguing, "But your honor, I couldn't help it because I was drunk!"

Think instead of alcohol and drugs as being used to reduce the internal inhibitions that an offender may have about molesting a child. David Finkelhor (1984) suggested years ago that a sexual offense depends upon 4 primary factors:

• Motivation of the offender
• Internal Inhibitors
• External Inhibitors
• Resistance

Motivation, of course, refers to the offender's wish to molest a child. This is the deviant arousal pattern. Internal inhibitors include such things as a sense of taboo or guilt about committing a child sexual offense, or perhaps a belief that one would be caught and punished and censured. These inhibitors would be reduced by such things as a lack of victim empathy, a belief in being more clever than investigators, or a reduction in the sense of guilt or taboo, etc. External inhibitors include the level of supervision of the child, laws that include punishment for offenses, lack of access to the child, etc. Resistance has to do with the way the child reacts when the offender attempts to start making sexual advances.

An offender who uses alcohol or drugs is often attempting to reduce internal inhibitors by reducing a sense of victim empathy and the sense of guilt or fear regarding thoughts about the offense. Thus, the abuse of a substance often relates to an offender's strategy to reach the goal ("Motivation") of offending, rather than actually causing the offense.

Occasionally, substance abuse increases the probability of abuse unintentionally, but it should never be thought of as an excuse. Alcoholism sometimes leads to indiscriminate sexual liaisons with various adults as well as CSA crimes. Cocaine products may cause a euphoria that includes heightened sexual arousal. Even in cases in which the substance seems to have a more direct result of the CSA crime, it is never an excuse. In addition, ask if the offender committed the offense only once when under the influence and was very remorseful and stopped. If not, then the use of the substance again takes the form of a means to an end--the molestation of the child. Substance abuse may often be correlated to CSA, but it is never the entire cause.

Some CSA offenders have a pattern of associating sexual acts with a reduction of negative thoughts or emotions. What thoughts or feelings would most likely precede such a response? Typically, such a pattern would include negative emotions of anxiety or anger. Anxiety-based emotions could include such things as fear of rejection or criticism. Sexual acts with a child may temporarily eliminate such fears, and the combination of sexual arousal and relief from anxiety strongly reinforce the offensive behaviors chosen.

One offender eventually was able to recognize that his sexual interest in children was related to a history of unsuccessful attempts to establish romantic relationships with adults, so he chose a child, who would not be critical of the lack of subtle social skills the offender lacked with peers.

Anger-based issues might include a perception of the child as dear to the object of one's anger and thus a target for retribution. One offender actually acknowledged in a therapy session that he molested his own 3-year-old daughter because he was furious at the child's mother for rejecting him again, and he wanted to hurt the mother in as personal a way as possible.

Domestic Violence Issues in Child Sexual Abuse Cases

Issues related to child abuse and domestic violence (DV) have similar roots and similar themes. Yet the research and funding sources have historically taken somewhat different tracks. It is important that professionals working in these two areas be clear about the areas of overlap and benefit from the knowledge base in both fields regarding that overlap. It is not simply of philosophical interest that we should care about these two forms of victimization. In fact, domestic violence occurs in more cases of child sexual abuse (CSA) than in the public at random. Naturally, the overlap between DV issues andphysical and emotional abuse is also very strong.

Likewise, the disruptive effects of ineffective intervention in DV cases are clearly a factor motivating more efficient procedures and laws, just as the disruption of ineffective intervention in a CSA case with a controlling, bullying alleged offender can be a strong reason to become more proficient for very parallel reasons.

What CSA investigators and treatment providers need to know about DV issues:

• VAWA - VAWA is the Violence Against Women Act, 1994. VAWA helps provide funding for shelter, legal services, and other resources to victims. VAWA was scheduled to expire but was renewed by the US Senate and signed by President Clinton on 10/28/2000. VAWA clearly identifies domestic violence as a national priority issue, setting goals such as the establishment of standardized forensic practices for sexual assault exams and addressing child abuse issues which arise out of domestic violence. See: http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/vawo/laws/vawo2000/
• Georgia Protective Order Registry Pilot program- The Georgia Supreme Court approved a pilot project on 9/9/99 for Cherokee, Hall and Wheeler Counties establishing a Protective Order Registry Pilot Program. The intent was to develop a centralized database to enhance enforcement of protective orders in Georgia. This pilot project was developed by a Steering Committee of The Georgia Commission on Family Violence. The Current Director of the Georgia Commission is Julianna Koob. Julie can be reached at:
  KOOBJD@AOC.COURTS.STATE.GA.US
• The Pilot Project Coordinator is currently Joy C. Hawkins, who can be reached at:
  Lawhawk@home.com

A Protective Order is one way an adult victim of DV can be protected from a perpetrator of DV. See O.C.G.A. '16-5-94 on the web site: http://www.state.ga.us/services/ocode/ocgsearch.htm

At The 7th Annual Statewide Conference of The Georgia Commission on Family Violence in November 2000, Barbara J. Hart delivered a keynote address and subsequent training on some of the legal issues affecting battered adults and their children. Ms. Hart is the Legal Director of the Pennsylvania Coalition Against Domestic Violence and Legal Consultant to the National Resource Center on Domestic Violence. She indicated that studies on the patterns found in children of DV include the following 5 most common experiences:

• Fear
• Physical abuse
• Sexual abuse
• Disrupted lives
• Psychological maltreatment

Thus, children of DV sometimes face the dual problems of violence and sexual abuse. From the standpoint of an investigation of alleged CSA, investigators should be mindful of additional complications when the investigation indicates a pattern of DV. The investigators of combined CSA/DV cases should pay special attention to the following issues:

• Assessment of risk to children and abused parent needs to account for the physical safety of the entire non-offending family unit.
• CPS safety plans should include non-contact clauses between the batterer and the children until the issue of manipulation through fear can be eliminated.
• Heavier reliance will be placed upon other evidence versus the child's ability to maintain a consistent and assertive allegation of sexual abuse throughout the investigative process. Expect possible recantations and even possible alliances of loyalty between the child victim and the abusive parent.
• Consider sole custody with the non-offending parent vs. joint custody in divorce proceedings. The DV offender's motives toward the children often relate to a hidden agenda of access to or control over the non- offending guardian.
• Monitor any subsequent contact allowed between abusive parent and child so that subtle manipulation and intimidation can be prevented.
• Fear is apt to play a more predominant role in the behavior of the sexually abused victim of a DV case than in other typical CSA cases.
• Look for more "identification with the aggressor" dynamics in male CSA victims of DV cases.
• Investigations should simultaneously explore DV and child deprivation issues from the beginning stages of the investigation on.
• Look for greater difficulty dealing with aggression in non-offending parents, and lack of respect in children in DV/CSA cases.

Habitual use of pornography may be another contextual dynamic in CSA cases. However, simply identifying the presence of pornography may or may not be meaningful. As with many factors, pornography does not seem to automatically be associated with CSA behaviors. However, habitual use of pornography tends to suggest a pattern of thinking about sex in an "objectified" manner rather than in a loving manner. Investigators may want to consider the following issues when considering the use of pornography and CSA crimes:

• Does the alleged perpetrator have an unusual volume of pornography suggesting a preoccupation with the subject?
• Is pornography located in public areas where a child could easily find it by accident?
• Do the themes of the pornography found suggest a possible deviant arousal pattern (e.g. rape scenes, sadism, etc.)?
• Does ANY of the pornography involve children or minors? If so, be certain to confiscate the material as it is a crime in and of itself.
• Is any of the pornography "home made"? Check with the child regarding being asked to pose for pornographic scenes.
• Consider the alleged perpetrator's use of the computer and the Internet for obtaining and transmitting pornography.
• Consider the possibility that the alleged perpetrator may also be involved in commercial sexual exploitation of the child. According to the World Congress Against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children, over 1 million children are used worldwide in child prostitution, child trafficking, and child pornography. Profits from such activities represent a multi-billion dollar industry. Use of the Internet now makes trafficking in child pornography extremely wide-spread and difficult to stop. Some efforts at exploiting children in this manner are international and easily accessible to offenders through encrypted "membership" codes. Law enforcement professionals are encouraged to get more training concerning this serious increase in child sexual exploitation, which is a form of child sexual abuse. To begin to grasp the extent of the problem internationally, consider exploring the web site: http://www.usemb.se/children/csec
• Does the alleged perpetrator have a strong interest in photography, videotaping, or secretive Internet usage?
• Does the alleged perpetrator make secretive use of chat rooms and other communication procedures on the Internet as a way to meet children and misrepresent him/herself.

Attachment problems may also suggest risk factors for alleged perpetrators. Currently, the only clinical diagnostic category related to this is Reactive Attachment Disorder of Childhood (or Adolescence). We know that RAD children have many problems emotionally and behaviorally which are very resistant to change. However, recent research of known sex offenders suggests that these adults may also frequently have some characteristics reflecting difficulties with attachment from both childhood experiences and their current adult relationships. This research may be too new to be considered comprehensive and clear as yet. However, attachment problems in CSA offenders may show up in interpersonal relationships that are characterized by one or more of the following patterns:

• Insecure orientation to intimate adult relationships.
• Avoidant (fearful and dismissing) adult attachment styles.

Weak or absent interpersonal boundaries are often seen in families of incest. But what is a "boundary"? This term comes from the language of systems theory in Marriage and Family Therapy and refers to both physical and psychological barriers of separation. Families with problems usually have either rigid or weak boundaries. Families with CSA problems tend to have weak or absent boundaries. Look for whether appropriate boundaries exist or not in the family in question in such things as:

• Appropriate doors and/or locks on bathrooms and bedrooms.
• Family rules of closing doors to obtain privacy in bathroom or bedrooms.
• Family rules of knocking on a closed door and obtaining permission before attempting to open the closed door.
• Adults restricting discussion of adult subjects to private times away from the children.
• Children being encouraged not to become involved in adult roles.
• Appropriate modesty of dress.
• Sexual behavior of adults restricted to private times away from children.
• Family respect for increasing privacy needs of teens.

"Criminal Personality" characteristics are seen in some (but not all) CSA offenders. This concept has been best elaborated by Dr. Stanton Samenow (Yochelson & Samenow, 1976; Samenow, 1984 & 1998). Samenow uses this term to describe individuals whose entire lifestyle is preoccupied with violating rules and seeking to successfully do things that are forbidden. CSA offenders with this pattern will have many, many crimes they are responsible for, but for which they have often not been caught. An offender with a criminal personality gets as much thrill out of fooling everyone by perpetrating the child without getting caught as they do in the actual sex act. It is very likely that such offenders will also have exploited others and broken many other laws.

A recent case involving such an offender serves as an illustration. A 13-year-old girl was seduced by her aunt's 27-year-old husband while the aunt and mother had no idea what was going on. The perpetrator involved the victim in a "pact of secrecy" as a measure of her "love and loyalty". One day, the mother correctly suspected her daughter of experimenting with marijuana. In truth, the offender had supplied pot to the girl to entrap her in wrong-doing and to lower her inhibitions. Instead of becoming quiet when the subject of the mother's concerns came up, the offender offered to call a friend who trained "drug dogs" and suggested that the friend could bring the dog to the girl's school to sniff around her locker. When the girl finally disclosed what had really happened, the mother was astounded that the offender had been so brazen, but in fact this added to the offender's thrill of fooling people.

Offenders with criminal personalities do not usually fit the description of a pedophile or a person with a primary sexual orientation toward prepubescent children. This is because offenders with criminal personalities usually have a broader range of interests involving exploitation and victimization of others. Such a person may molest a 5-year-old, then seduce a 16-year-old, then rape and beat a 30-year-old. Generally, the developmental level of the victim is less important to the individual than figuring out how to succeed with the crime and outwit those who would deter or try to punish the offender.

Consider all these different factors when conducting CSA investigations. Consider reading more on the subjects listed in the references below, and consider open discussions and cross-training between mental health professionals, child protective caseworkers, and law enforcement officers. Participate in Multi-Disciplinary Teams and consider the training needed as an ever-evolving issue. It is through these truly collaborative efforts that we can best understand the complex web of factors which can make us more and more effective in what we do.

References:

Abel,G. et. al. (1987). Self-reported sex crimes of non-incarcerated paraphiliacs. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 2(1), 3-25.

Abel, G., et. al. (1988). Multiple paraphilic diagnoses among sex offenders. Bulletin of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law, 16, 153-168.

Alexander, P. 7 Lupfer, S. (1987). Family characteristics and long-term consequences associated with sexual abuse. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 16, 235-245.

Ammerman, R. (1990). Predisposing child factors. In R. Ammerman & M. Hersen (Eds.). Children at risk: An evaluation of factors contributing to child abuse and neglect, New York: Plenum Press.

Angus, G., & Hall, G. (1996). Child abuse and neglect in Australia 1994-1995. Child Welfare Series, No. 16, Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, Canberra, Australia.

Azzi-Lessing, L. & Olsen, L. (1996). Substance abuse-affected families in the child welfare system: New challenges, new alliances. Social Work, Vol. 41, No. 1, 15-23.

Benedict, L., & Zautra, A. (1993). Family environmental characteristics as risk factors for childhood sexual abuse. Journal of Clinical Child psychology, 22, 365-374.

Bentovim, A. (1991). Clinical work with families in which sexual abuse has occurred. In C. Hollin, & K. Howells (Eds.), Clinical approaches to sex offenders and their victims. West Sussex, England: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Bergner, R., Delgado, L., & Graybill, D. (1994). Finkelhor's risk factor checklist: A cross-validation study. Child Abuse and Neglect, 18, 331-340.

Bifulco, A., Brown, G., & Adler, Z. (1991). Early sexual abuse and clinical depression in adult life. British Journal of Psychiatry, Vol. 159, 115-122.

Blau, G. et.al. (1994). The prevention and treatment of child abuse in households of substance abusers: A research demonstration progress report. Child Welfare, Vol. 73, No. 1, 83-94

Brennan, K., Clark, C., & Shaver, P. (1998). Self-report measurement of adult attachment: An integrative overview. In J. Simpson & W. Rhodes (Eds.), Attachment theory and close relationships (pp. 46-76). New York: Guilford.

Briere, J. (1992). Child abuse trauma: Theory and treatment of the lasting effects. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Briere, J., & Ruuntz, M. (1990). Differential adult symptomatologies associated with three types of child abuse histories. Child Abuse and Neglect, Vol. 14, 357-364.

Briere, J., et. al. (Eds.) (1996). The APSAC handbook on child maltreatment, Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Caine, J. (1992). Systematic treatment model for adults and their families who have experienced childhood sexual abuse. Proceedings of the European Conference on Families at Risk, London. Tyler, TX: Family Violence and Sexual Assault Institute.

Clark, R. (1994). Responding to family violence. Published in: Alcohol, Drugs, and the Family- Conference proceedings, 1994 APSAD National Conference, Australian Drug Foundation, South Melbourne, Australia.

Conte, J. & Fogarty, L. (1990). Sexual abuse prevention programs for children. Education and Urban Society, Vol. 22, No. 3, 270-284.

Corby, B. (1993). Child abuse: Towards a knowledge base. Buckingham, Open University Press.

Cornille, T. (1989). Family therapy and social control with incestuous families. Contemporary Family Therapy, 11, 101-118.

Curtis, J. (1986). Factors in the sexual abuse of children. Psychological Reports, Vol. 58, 591-597.

Curtis, P. & McCullough, C. (1993). The impact of alcohol and other drugs on the child welfare system. Child Welfare, Vol. 72, No. 6, 533-542.

Dadds, M., et.al. (1991). An exploration of family and individual profiles following father-daughter incest. Child Abuse and Neglect, 15, 575-586.

Daly, L. (1999). Child sexual abuse allegations. Internet. Online. Available: http://www.abuseinvestigations.com/articles/csaa.html

Dore, M., Doris, J., & Wright, P. (1995). Identifying substance abuse in maltreating families: A child welfare challenge. Child Abuse and Neglect,
Vol. 19, No. 5, 531-543.

Douglas, J. (1997). Crime analysis and criminal profiling: From the crime scene to the courtroom. San Diego: Proc. of American College of Forensic Examiners.

Douglas, J. & Olshaker, M. (1997). Journey into darkness: Follow the FBI's premier investigative profiler as he penetrates the minds and motives of the most terrifying serial criminals. New York: Simon & Schuster.

Faller, K. (1989) The role relationship between victim and perpetrator: Characteristics of intrafamilial sexual abuse. Child and Adolescent Social Work, 6, 217-229.

Famularo, R., Kinscherff, R., & Fenton, T. (1992). Parental substance abuse and the nature of child maltreatment.

Fergusson, D., Lynskey, M. & Horwood, L. (1996). Childhood sexual abuse and psychiatric disorders in young adulthood: Part I: The prevalence of sexual abuse and the factors associated with sexual abuse. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, Vol. 35, 1355-1365.

Fergusson, D., Horwood, L., & Lynskey, M. (1996). Childhood sexual abuse and psychiatric disorders in young adulthood: Part II: Psychiatric outcomes of sexual abuse. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, Vol.35, 1365-1374.

Finkelhor, D. (1984). Child sexual abuse: New theory and research. New York: The Free Press.

Finkelhor, D., & Baron, L. (1986). High-risk children. In D. Finkelhor, et.al. (Eds.), A sourcebook on child sexual abuse. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications.

Flanzer, J. (1993). Alcohol and other drugs are key causal agents of violence. In R. Gelles & D. Loseke (Eds.), Current controversies on family violence. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.

Fleming, J., Mullen, P., & Bammer, G. (1997). A study of potential risk factors for sexual abuse in childhood. Child Abuse and Neglect, Vol. 21, 49-58.

Fogarty, J. (1993). Protective services for children in Victoria. Department of Health and Community Services, Melbourne, Australia.

Formuth, M., Burckhardt, B., & Jones, C. (1991). Hidden child molestation: An investigation of adolescent perpetrators in a non-clinical sample. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 6, 376-384.

Freeman, E. (1993). Substance abuse treatment: A family systems perspective. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.

Garvey, D. (1997). Sexual villainy: A sex offender profile. Online. Internet.
Available: http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/Lobby/6027/research.htm

Garvey, D. (1999). Pedophilia, a treatable disorder? Online. Internet. Available: http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/Lobby/6027/pedophilia.htm

Gelles, R. (1993) Alcohol and other drugs are associated with violence- they are not its cause. In R. Gelles and D. Loseke (Eds.), Current controversies on family violence. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.

Goddard, C & Hiller, P. (1992). Tracking physical and sexual abuse cases from a hospital setting into Victoria's criminal justice and child protection systems: A report for the Victorian Law Foundation. Department of Social Work and Department of Anthropology and Sociology. Monash University, Melbourne, Australia.

Goddard, C., & Hiller, P. (1993). Child sexual abuse: Assault in a violent context. Australian Journal of Social Issues, 28, 20-33.

Goldberg, C. (1996). Speaking with the devil: Exploring senseless acts of evil. New York: Penguin Books USA, Inc.

Gordon, M. (1989). The family environment of sexual abuse. Child Abuse and Neglect, 13, 121-130.

Greenfield, L. (1997). Sex offenses and offenders: An analysis of data on rape and sexual assault. U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics. Online. Internet, 11/12/97. Available: http://ojp.usdoj.gov.

Greer, J., Estupinan, L. & Manguno-Mire, G. (1999). Empathy, social skills, and other relevant cognitive processes in rapists and child molesters. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 5, 99-126.

Grisham, K. & Estes, N. (1986). Dynamics of alcoholic families. In N. Estes & M. Heinemann (Eds.), Alcoholism: Development, consequences, and intervention. St. Louis: C. V. Mosby.

Harter, S., Alexander, P., & Neimeyer, R. (1988). Long-term effects of incestuous child abuse in college women: Social adjustment, social cognition, and family characteristics. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, Vol. 56, 5-8.

Haugaard, J. (1988). The use of theories about the etiology of incest as guidelines for legal and therapeutic interventions. Behavioral Sciences and the Law, 6, 221-238.

Higgins, D. & McCabe, M. (1994). The relationship of child sexual abuse and family violence to adult adjustment: Toward an integrated risk sequelae model. The Journal of Sex Research, 31, 255-266.

Hoagwood, K. (1990). Parental functioning and child sexual abuse. Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal, 7, 377-387.

Hoagwood, K., & Stewart, J. (1989). Sexually abused children's perceptions of family functioning. Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal, 6, 139-149.

Jaudes, P., Ekwo, E., & Van Voorhis, J. (1995). Association of drug abuse and child abuse. Child Abuse and Neglect, Vol. 19, No. 9, 1065-1075.

Kamsner, S., & McCabe, M. (2000). The relationship between adult psychological adjustment and childhood sexual abuse, childhood physical abuse, and family-of-origin characteristics. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, Vol. 15, No. 12, 1243-1261.

Levitt, C., Owen, G., & Truchsess, J. (1991). Families after sexual abuse: What helps? What is needed? In M. Patton (Ed.), Frontline research and evaluation. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.

Lipovsky, J., & Saunders, B. (1989). Characteristics of incest families and victim emotional responses. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Criminology Society, Reno, NV.

McCloskey, L., & Bailey, J. (2000). The intergenerational transmission of risk for child sexual abuse. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, Vol. 15, 1019-1035.

Maddock, J., Larson, P., & Lally, C. (1991). An evaluation protocol for incest family functioning. In M. Patton (Ed.), Frontline research and evaluation. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, Inc.

Margolin, L. (1993). Child sexual abuse by uncles: A risk assessment. Child Abuse and Neglect, 18, 215-224.

Marsall, W., et.al. (1995). Empathy in sex offenders. Clinical Psychology Review, 15, 99-113.

Marshall, W. (1989). Intimacy, loneliness, and sexual offenders. Behavior Research and Therapy, 27, 491-503.

Mullen, P., & Fleming, J. (1998). Long-term effects of child sexual abuse. Issues in Child Abuse Prevention, No. 9, 1-19, National Child Protection Clearinghouse, Melbourne, Australia.

Mullen, P., et.al. (1993). Childhood sexual abuse and mental health in adult life, British Journal of Psychiatry, Vol. 163, 721-732.

Mullen, P. et.al. (1996). The long-term impact of the physical, emotional, and sexual abuse of children: A community study, Child Abuse and Neglect, Vol. 20, 7-22.

Nash, M. et.al. (1993). Long-term sequelae of childhood sexual abuse: Perceived family environment, psychopathology, and dissociation. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 61,276-283.

Orme, T. & Rimmer, J. (1981). Alcoholism and child abuse. Journal of Studies on Alcohol. Vol. 24, 273-287.

Orton, J., & Rich, L. (1988). A model for assessment of incestuous families. Social Casework, 69, 611-619.

Paveza, G. (1988). Risk factors in father-daughter child sexual abuse. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 3, 290-306.

Pellegrin, A., & Wagner, W. (1990). Child sexual abuse: Factors affecting victim's removal from home. Child Abuse and Neglect, 14, 53-60.

Peters, S. (9188). Child sexual abuse and later psychological problems. In G. Wyatt, & G. Powell (Eds.). Lasting effects of child sexual abuse, Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.

Pithers, W., et.al. (1988). Relapse prevention. In B.K. Schwartz (Ed.), A practitioner's guide to treating the incarcerated male sex offender. Washington, D.C.: National Institute of Corrections.

Powell, M., & Ilett, M. (1992). Assessing the incestuous family's readiness for reconstruction. Journal of Contemporary Human Services, 73, 417-423.

Rosenberg, M. (2000). High Risk Behaviors. Online. Internet. Available: http://angelfire.com/mi/collateral/highrisk.html.

Russell, D. (1986). The secret trauma: Incest in the lives of girls and women. New York: Basic Books.

Sagatun, I., & Prince, L. (1989). Incest family dynamics: Family members' perceptions before and after therapy. In J. Wodarski & D. Whitaker (Eds.), Treatment of sex offenders in social work and mental health settings. New York: The Haworth Press, Inc.

Samenow, S. (1984). Inside the criminal mind. New York: New York Times Books.

Samenow, S. (1998). Straight talk about criminals. Northvale, NJ: Jason Aronson, Inc.

Segal, J. et.al. (1988). Rebuilding the boundaries: Family level change through group intervention in incest families. Paper presented at the National Symposium on Child Victimization, Anaheim, CA.

Smallbone, S. (1998). The role of attachment insecurity in the development of sexual offending behavior. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Griffith University, Queensland, Australia.

Smallbone, S., & Dadds, M. (2001). Further evidence for a relationship between attachment insecurity and coercive sexual behavior in nonoffenders. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 16 (1), 22-35.

Stewart, L. (1999). Community-based treatment for sex offender programs: Recent initiatives in the Ontario region. Correctional Service-Canada.

Strauss, M. (1987). The costs of violence. Public Health Reports, 102, 638-641.

Strauss, M. (1994). Beating the devil out of them: Corporal punishment in American Families. Lexington Books: Lexington, MA.

Tomison, A. (1995). Update on child sexual abuse. National Child Protection Clearinghouse, No.5, Australian Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne, Australia.

Tomison, A. (1996). Child maltreatment and substance abuse. National Child Protection Clearinghouse, No.2, Australian Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia.

Vizard, E., Monck, E., & Misch, P. (1995). Child and adolescent sex abuse perpetrators: A review of the research literature, Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, Vol. 36, 731-756.

Ward, T., Hudson, S., & Marshall, W. (1996). Attachment style in sex offenders: A preliminary study. Journal of Sex Research, 33, 17-26.

Watkins, B., & Bentovim, A. (1992). The sexual abuse of male children and adolescence: A review of current research, Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, Vol. 33, 197-248.

Williams, L., & Finkelhor, D. (1992). Incest and paternal absence: A test of the Biosocial Model of incest avoidance. Paper presented at the San Diego Conference on Responding to Child Maltreatment, San Diego, CA.

Wind, T., & Silvern, L. (1994). Parenting and family stress as mediators of the long-term effects of child abuse. Child Abuse & Neglect, 18, 439-453.

Yochelson, S., & Samenow, S. (1976). The criminal personality, Volume 1: A profile for change. New York: Jason Aronson, Inc.

Zuravin, S., & Fontanella, C. (1999). Parenting behaviors and perceived parenting competence of child sexual abuse survivors. Child Abuse and Neglect, 23, 623-632.